Jump to content

Chinese imperialism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Chinese Imperialism)
Not to be confused with Chinese Empire and Imperial China.

In October 2010, a month after the 2010 Senkaku boat collision incident, conservative protesters in Japan displayed the slogan "Down with Chinese imperialism" (打倒中華帝国主義) to express their discontent.
Chinese imperialism
Traditional Chinese中國帝國主義
Simplified Chinese中国帝国主义
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinZhōngguó dìguó zhǔyì
Bopomofo[ㄓㄨㄥ ㄍㄨㄛˊ ㄉㄧˋ ㄍㄨㄛˊ ㄓㄨˇ ㄧˋ] Error: {{Transliteration}}: transliteration text not Latin script (help)
Alternative Chinese name
Traditional Chinese中華帝國主義
Simplified Chinese中华帝国主义
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinZhōnghuá dìguó zhǔyì
Bopomofo[ㄓㄨㄥ ㄏㄨㄚˊ ㄉㄧˋ ㄍㄨㄛˊ ㄓㄨˇ ㄧˋ] Error: {{Transliteration}}: transliteration text not Latin script (help)

Chinese imperialism refers to the expansion of China's political, economic, and cultural influence beyond the boundaries of the People's Republic of China. Depending on the commentator, it has also been used to refer to its artificial islands in the South China Sea[1] and the persecution of Uyghurs in China.[2][3] Although there has not been a long-standing imperial regime in China since the 1911 Revolution and the country is officially a People's Republic, some refer to China as an imperialist country. This includes socialist parties in the Pacific such as the New People's Army, the Japanese Communist Party, some Maoist parties, and the New Left (especially some of the Chinese New Left). China's relations with Africa have also been accused of being "neo-colonialism".[4][5][6]

History

[edit]
See also: Tributary system of China
Qing dynasty at peak and its sphere of influence

Various imperial dynasties expanded their territory throughout China's history before the Republican era.[7][8][9]

People's Republic of China

[edit]

Since the Chinese economic reform of 1978, China became a new economic, military, and political great power. As China transformed, there were hopes that the Chinese government would give up its expansionist ideas.[10] However, since Chinese Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping's rise to power, and as a result of increasing territorial conflicts in which China stated that most of the disputed lands belong to China, it is generally believed that China continues to adhere to irredentist claims.[11][10]

Belt and Road Initiative

[edit]
Further information: Belt and Road Initiative § Accusations of neocolonialism and debt-trap, and Debt-trap diplomacy

Jeffrey Reeves argues that since 2012, CCP general secretary Xi Jinping has demonstrated "a concerted imperialist policy" towards its developing neighbor states to the south and west, especially Mongolia,[12] Kazakhstan,[13][14] Tajikistan,[15][16] Kyrgyzstan,[17] Afghanistan, Pakistan, Nepal,[18] Myanmar, Cambodia,[19][20][21] Laos,[22] and Vietnam.[23] This is associated with criticism of debt trap diplomacy.[6][24][25][26][27]

With China's rapid economic development and its increased investment in Africa, a new round of debate has emerged over whether Chinese investment in Africa is imperialistic. Horace Campbell has called this debate "superficial" and considers China's involvement as still distinct from Western imperialism.[28] Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) coordinates much of the investment. According to Evan Hsiang in Harvard International Review, China's investment in countries such as Zambia, which had a debt crisis in 2020 and had the "highest number of Chinese lenders of all African states", has been seen with the lens of economic imperialism, but may result from mismanagement and lack of regulations rather than planned debt traps. Nonetheless, Hsiang also cites "China's structural dominance" in the Zambian mining industry and that many of the projects neglect working conditions due to "China's unchallenged power" and the projects go through due to pressure by Chinese bureaucracy on African governments. He recommends that greater scrutiny of FOCAC would limit exploitative interactions.[29]

China official sources have pointed out that countries were not compelled to take the loans and they came with no strings attached in their agreements; however outside observers have noted that many of the debtor countries have entered fiscal difficulty, such as Sri Lanka, who defaulted on its sovereign debt.[27] Sri Lanka's Hambantota International Port has been leased to China for 99 years starting in 2017.[30] China signing a 99-year lease on a foreign port is seen as both a current erosion of sovereignty and a symbolic one similar to 19th century colonialism, because that is the amount of time Britain leased colonial Hong Kong from China in 1898.[30][31][32][33] China has also leased Gwadar Port in Pakistan for 43 years,[34] significant protests have occurred against Chinese interests in the port of Gwadar.[35] The China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) has been seen as a geostrategic effort to advance the PRC's influence. Baloch insurgent militant groups in Pakistan have also labeled the CPEC as an imperialist endeavor by China.[36][37] According to The Economic Times, Chinese state interests in Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and Bangladesh form a cohesive strategy to encircle India. This overall strategy, named by U.S. and Indian commentators, is the String of Pearls which is a combination of economic and naval interests by China surrounding India.[38][39] Supporting India's claim is the ability of the Gwadar port to host naval ships, and with the increasing presence of China there, the People's Liberation Army Navy may be able use Gwadar as a forward base.[38]

However other researchers dispute this view. An October 2019 report by the Lowy Institute said that China had not engaged in deliberate actions in the Pacific which justified accusations of debt-trap diplomacy (based on contemporaneous evidence), and China had not been the primary driver behind rising debt risks in the Pacific; the report expressed concern about the scale of the country's lending, however, and the institutional weakness of Pacific states which posed the risk of small states being overwhelmed by debt.[40][41] A 2020 Lowy Institute article called Sri Lanka's Hambantota International Port the "case par excellence" for China's debt-trap diplomacy, but called the narrative a "myth" because the project was proposed by former Sri Lankan president Mahinda Rajapaksa, not Beijing. The article added that Sri Lanka's debt distress was not caused by Chinese lending, but by "excessive borrowing on Western-dominated capital markets".[42]

According to The Diplomat, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) investment also exacerbates separatism and ethnic tensions in host countries, because the PRC government and state-backed corporations "preference for dealing exclusively with the those who hold positions of power. Analysis of the BRI should go beyond the 'debt trap', geopolitics, or economic spillovers, but also examine the social fissures that emerge from the massive inflows of Chinese capital in host countries."[37]

Xinjiang internment camps

[edit]
Further information: Persecution of Uyghurs in China

Xinjiang internment camps were established in the late 2010s under Xi Jinping's administration.[43][44] Human Rights Watch says that they have been used to indoctrinate Uyghurs and other Muslims since 2017 as part of a "people's war on terror", a policy announced in 2014.[45][46][47] The camps have been criticized by the governments of many countries and human rights organizations for alleged human rights abuses, including mistreatment, rape, and torture,[48] with some of them alleging genocide.[49][50]

East China Sea disputes

[edit]
Further information: East China Sea EEZ disputes

With the 1978 Chinese economic reform launched by Deng Xiaoping, China has increased its political stance, its influence and its power abroad.[51] China has increased its influence, while using military and economic wealth and claims to island territories that have caused anxiety in neighbors to the east, such as the Philippines and Japan.[52][53]

South China Sea disputes

[edit]
Further information: Territorial disputes in the South China Sea
Nine-dash line

The South China Sea disputes involve both island and maritime claims of China and the claims of several neighboring sovereign states in the region, namely Brunei, the Republic of China (ROC/Taiwan), Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Vietnam. The disputes are over islands, reefs, banks, and other features in the South China Sea, including the Spratly Islands, Paracel Islands, Scarborough Shoal, boundaries in the Gulf of Tonkin, and the waters near the Indonesian Natuna Islands. The main point of criticism is that the PRC is building artificial islands to extend its claims into other nations' territorial waters and militarizing the islands.[54][55][1] Chinese salami slicing strategy and cabbage tactics describe the way the PRC has used small provocations to increase its strategic position.[56]

Tibet policy

[edit]
Further information: Sinicization of Tibet

Tibetan Review evaluated the China's government policy on Tibet as colonial based on several criteria, including "forced penetration of the colonizing group", "social destructiveness", "external political control", "economic dependence of internal groups", "sub-standard social services", and "social stratification".[57][58][better source needed]

Chinese media and cultural imperialism

[edit]
Confucius Institute and Confucius statue at North South University, Bangladesh

Global media and international communication scholars theorize, research, analyze, discuss, and debate the dimensions of China's media and cultural imperialism.[59] Building upon the frameworks of media imperialism and cultural imperialism, researchers have focused on everything from the international expansion of China's Internet companies[60] and movie industries[61] to the "soft power" and public diplomacy campaigns of China's state media companies in other countries[62] as examples of media imperialism.[63]

Some Western and non-Western news media stories have also begun to frame China as an incipient media and cultural imperialist. For example, CNN notes that Confucius Institutes have been criticized for promoting a political narrative or surveilling overseas Chinese instead of solely promoting Chinese culture.[64] Also, according to The Diplomat, Korean commentators have said that there is a dimension of cultural imperialism by China, including China's censorship of Korean content[65] and claiming some Korean historical figures as Chinese.[66] Furthermore, an article in Time compared the late 19th-century American culture of promoting masculinity and foreign colonization to the promotion of masculinity in China in recent years, and claimed that China is no different from other empires in this regard.[67]

Political imperialism

[edit]
Further information: Transnational repression by China and Chinese censorship abroad

Traditional Taiwanese independence activists advocate the establishment of a "Republic of Taiwan" in line with Taiwanese national self-determination, which is not influenced by Chinese imperialism; in the late 1980s, the short-lived far-left Taiwan Revolutionary Party, defended Taiwan's independence from a Marxist-Leninist perspective, criticizing the "People's Republic of China" as "great power" (列強).[68] Many Taiwanese nationalists compared Taiwan under Kuomintang rule to South Africa under apartheid.[69] The Taipei Times linked the CCP's term "united front" to Chinese imperialism and expansionism.[70]

Hong Kong's Trotskyist political organization Socialist Action criticizes CCP-led "Chinese imperialism" for its political repression and economic colonization of Hong Kong.[71]

Freedom House also reported that China has supported authoritarian dictatorships in internet censorship and cyber surveillance, advancing the PRC's political model, having "supplied telecommunications hardware, advanced facial-recognition technology, and data-analytics tools to a variety of governments with poor human rights records, which could benefit Chinese intelligence services as well as repressive local authorities".[72][73]

Views of Chinese imperialism

[edit]

There are fierce debates among left-wing intellectuals in China and around the world about whether China has become an imperialist country.[74] Li Minqi, a member of the Chinese New Left, believes that China is becoming increasingly important in the global capitalist system, but is still "semi-peripheral" rather than an imperialist country.[75] Wang Hui is also critical of China's changes: he argues in New Left Review that China has become one of the "strategic partners" of imperialism, and that any analysis that attempts to point out the social issues would be accused of wanting to "return to the days of the Cultural Revolution".[76]

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), a Maoist party of the Philippines, views the CCP as an imperialist party attacking Filipino fishermen and the Filipino people, and in collusion with Duterte. "The CCP pays lip service to Mao occasionally, especially in happy rituals, and avoids offending the great number of Chinese people and party cadres and members who love his memory and agree with his ideas and deeds," said Jose Maria Sison, a key figure in the party.[77] The New People's Army, the armed wing of the CPP, has been ordered to attack Chinese businesses in the Philippines due to the territorial disputes in the South China Sea and dissatisfaction with Chinese investments.[78]

In 2020, the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) criticized the CCP for engaging in "great-power chauvinism and hegemonism" and describe it as "an adverse current to world peace and progress". The JCP also removed a line from its platform which described China as a country "that is beginning a new quest for socialism". JCP members have stated that this was due to human rights conditions in China. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China denounced the accusations of the JCP as "groundless and biased".[79][80]

In a 2017 paper David A. Lake argued the autocratic system of the People's Republic of China would "make it harder for the country to commit credibly to limits on its authority over others. [...] In the absence of such credible restraints, potential subordinates will be far more reluctant to accept the authority of China over their affairs. It will be harder for China to build international hierarchies in the twenty-first century than it was for Britain or the United States during their respective rises to power."[81]

Edward Wong, former Beijing bureau chief of The New York Times, believes that both China and the United States are empires, and the US as an empire is known for its soft power, while China is known for its hard power.[82] Tanner Mirrlees, a political economist, conducted a comparative analysis of the economic, military and media-technological power of the United States and China. He argues: "the United States and China are clearly the world's most significant imperial powers... but not yet equal powers because the United States outmatches China in many ways. If there is an incipient inter-imperialist rivalry between the United States and China, it is an asymmetrical one because the United States possesses greater structural capacities and resources to achieve its goals in world affairs than China currently does."[63]

Chinese exceptionalists and nationalists such as Zhang Weiwei argue that China has never been a global imperialist force in its thousands of years of history.[83]

China's military bases

[edit]
See also: List of countries with overseas military bases § China
Map of Chinese overseas military bases according to one report which was published in The Economist:[84]
  China
  Countries with a Chinese base
  Countries that China has probably approached to host a base

China has one official overseas base in Djibouti but probably has approached other countries as well.[84][85][86]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ a b Alessio, Dominic; Renfro, Wesley (1 August 2022). "Building empires litorally in the South China Sea: artificial islands and contesting definitions of imperialism". International Politics. 59 (4): 687–706. doi:10.1057/s41311-021-00328-x. ISSN 1740-3898. S2CID 240567127.
  2. ^ Roche, Gerald (6 July 2021). "Xinjiang Denialists Are Only Aiding Imperialism". The Nation. ISSN 0027-8378. Archived from the original on 12 March 2023. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  3. ^ Palumbo-Liu, David; Kanji, Azeezah. "The faux anti-imperialism of denying anti-Uighur atrocities". Al Jazeera. Archived from the original on 13 October 2021. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  4. ^ el-Shafei, Alyaa Wagdy; Metawe, Mohamed (1 January 2021). "China drive toward Africa between arguments of neo-colonialism and mutual-beneficial relationship: Egypt as a case study". Review of Economics and Political Science. 7 (2): 137–152. doi:10.1108/REPS-03-2021-0028. ISSN 2631-3561. S2CID 237855786.
  5. ^ Etzioni, Amitai (9 November 2020). "Is China a New Colonial Power?". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on 27 January 2023. Retrieved 27 January 2023.
  6. ^ a b Ash, Timothy (16 February 2023). "Punishing the Poor — China's Debt Imperialism". Center for European Policy Analysis. Archived from the original on 12 March 2023. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  7. ^ Hsu, Francis L. K. (1978). "The Myth of Chinese Expansionism". Journal of Asian and African Studies. 13 (3–4). Brill: 184–195. doi:10.1163/15685217-90007142. ISSN 0021-9096.
  8. ^ The Rise of the Chinese Empire.
  9. ^ Guan, Xiaohong (3 July 2014). "Continuity and transformation: the institutions of the Beijing government, 1912–1928". Journal of Modern Chinese History. 8 (2): 176–193. doi:10.1080/17535654.2014.960150. ISSN 1753-5654. S2CID 143605067.
  10. ^ a b "The looming threat of Chinese imperialism". The Week. 29 March 2018. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
  11. ^ Roy, Denny (2 January 2019). "Assertive China: Irredentism or Expansionism?". Survival. 61 (1): 51–74. doi:10.1080/00396338.2019.1568044. ISSN 0039-6338. S2CID 159270911.
  12. ^ Reeves, Jeffrey (March 2014). "Rethinking weak state behavior: Mongolia's foreign policy toward China". International Politics. 51 (2): 254–271. doi:10.1057/ip.2014.6. ISSN 1384-5748. S2CID 145551586.
  13. ^ "Dozens protest against Chinese influence in Kazakhstan". Reuters. 4 September 2019. Archived from the original on 12 March 2023. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  14. ^ "China's Expansionist Policy Toward Kazakhstan Takes a New Turn". Jamestown Foundation. Archived from the original on 12 March 2023. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  15. ^ "China's Economic and Military Expansion in Tajikistan". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on 25 September 2017. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  16. ^ "China's Long March into Central Asia: How Beijing Expands Military Influence in Tajikistan". The Central Asian Caucasus Analyst. Archived from the original on 12 March 2023. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  17. ^ "Chinese 'Expansion' in Kyrgyzstan: Myth or Reality?". Jamestown Foundation. Archived from the original on 12 March 2023. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  18. ^ "How China Is Using Technology And Tourism To Assert Claims On Mount Everest?". The Eurasian Times. 29 May 2020. Archived from the original on 1 December 2022. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  19. ^ "China's Cambodian invasion". The Japan Times. 5 August 2019. Archived from the original on 12 March 2023. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  20. ^ Edel, Charles (9 May 2019). "Hiding in plain sight: Chinese expansion in Southeast Asia". War on the Rocks. Archived from the original on 12 March 2023. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  21. ^ Ellis-Petersen, Hannah (31 July 2018). "'No Cambodia left': how Chinese money is changing Sihanoukville". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Archived from the original on 26 November 2020. Retrieved 1 July 2023.
  22. ^ "The limits of Chinese expansionism". TNI. 29 December 2010. Archived from the original on 17 May 2022. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  23. ^ Reeves, Jeffrey (4 May 2018). "Imperialism and the Middle Kingdom: the Xi Jinping administration's peripheral diplomacy with developing states". Third World Quarterly. 39 (5): 976–998. doi:10.1080/01436597.2018.1447376. ISSN 0143-6597. S2CID 158999340.
  24. ^ "Opinion | China's debt traps around the world are a trademark of its imperialist ambitions". The Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Archived from the original on 22 May 2019. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  25. ^ Chellaney, Brahma (4 December 2022). "A spotlight on Chinese debt bondage". The Japan Times. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
  26. ^ Wright, Ben (28 November 2022). "We underestimate Beijing's financial colonialism at our peril". The Daily Telegraph. ISSN 0307-1235. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
  27. ^ a b "Xi's China can't replace the US as a financial superpower". Yahoo Finance. 4 April 2023. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 5 April 2023. The financing of so-called "belt and road" infrastructure projects has been viewed, at best, as a way for Beijing to extend its diplomatic soft power in developing nations and, at worst, a form of financial quasi-imperialism.
  28. ^ Campbell, Horace (1 July 2015). "Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism in Africa". Monthly Review. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
  29. ^ "Chinese Investment in Africa: A Reexamination of the Zambian Debt Crisis". Harvard International Review. 25 January 2023. Archived from the original on 1 April 2023. Retrieved 1 April 2023.
  30. ^ a b "China signs 99-year lease on Sri Lanka's Hambantota port". Financial Times. 11 December 2017. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 5 April 2023.
  31. ^ Mourdoukoutas, Panos. "China Is Doing The Same Things To Sri Lanka That Great Britain Did To China After The Opium Wars". Forbes. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 5 April 2023.
  32. ^ Tyagi, Anirudh. "A classic example of ' Chinese neo-colonialism' in Sri Lanka". The Times of India. ISSN 0971-8257. Archived from the original on 13 April 2023. Retrieved 5 April 2023.
  33. ^ Chellaney, Brahma (21 December 2017). "China's creditor imperialism". The Japan Times. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 5 April 2023.
  34. ^ Grare, Frederic (31 July 2018). "Along the Road: Gwadar and China's Power Projection". Carnegie Endowment. Archived from the original on 3 May 2023. Retrieved 5 April 2023.
  35. ^ "Gwadar protest leader warns Chinese to leave key Belt and Road port". Nikkei Asia. Archived from the original on 4 April 2023. Retrieved 5 April 2023.
  36. ^ Luft, Gal; Nye, Joseph S. (2017). "The Anatomy of the BRI's Impact on US Interests". Silk Road 2.0: 19–37. JSTOR resrep16785.7.
  37. ^ a b "China's BRI Is Aggravating Ethnic Tensions in the Global South". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on 5 April 2023. Retrieved 5 April 2023.
  38. ^ a b Lintner, Bertil (15 April 2019). The Costliest Pearl: China's Struggle for India's Ocean. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-1-78738-239-8.
  39. ^ Chaudhury, Dipanjan Roy (18 June 2020). "China's BRI not Delhi's Indo-Pacific vision is an encirclement strategy - The Economic Times". The Economic Times. Archived from the original on 28 November 2022. Retrieved 5 April 2023.
  40. ^ Doherty, Ben (20 October 2019). "Experts dispel claims of China debt-trap diplomacy in Pacific but risks remain". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Archived from the original on 2 January 2020. Retrieved 1 July 2023.
  41. ^ Rajah, Roland; Dayant, Alexandre; Pryke, Jonathan (21 October 2019). "Ocean of debt? Belt and Road and debt diplomacy in the Pacific". Lowy Institute. Archived from the original on 26 May 2022. Retrieved 21 April 2023.
  42. ^ Hameiri, Shahar (9 September 2020). "Debunking the myth of China's "debt-trap diplomacy"". The Interpreter. Lowy Institute. Archived from the original on 9 August 2022. Retrieved 21 April 2023.
  43. ^ Ramzy, Austin; Buckley, Chris (16 November 2019). "'Absolutely No Mercy': Leaked Files Expose How China Organized Mass Detentions of Muslims". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 8 January 2020. Retrieved 16 November 2019.
  44. ^ O'Keeffe, Kate (14 November 2019). "Stop Calling China's Xi Jinping 'President', U.S. Panel Says". The Wall Street Journal. Archived from the original on 15 November 2019. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  45. ^ "China: Free Xinjiang 'Political Education' Detainees". Human Rights Watch. 10 September 2017. Archived from the original on 25 October 2018. Retrieved 10 September 2017.
  46. ^ "A Summer Vacation in China's Muslim Gulag". Foreign Policy. 28 February 2018. Archived from the original on 3 January 2019. Retrieved 28 February 2018.
  47. ^ Ramzy, Austin; Buckley, Chris (16 November 2019). "'Absolutely No Mercy': Leaked Files Expose How China Organized Mass Detentions of Muslims". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 8 January 2020. Retrieved 16 November 2019.
  48. ^ "China responsible for 'serious human rights violations' in Xinjiang province: UN human rights report". United Nations. 31 August 2022. Archived from the original on 1 September 2022. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  49. ^ ""Break Their Lineage, Break Their Roots"". Human Rights Watch. 19 April 2021. Archived from the original on 16 October 2021. Retrieved 12 March 2023. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  50. ^ "Who are the Uyghurs and why is China being accused of genocide?". BBC News. 24 April 2013. Archived from the original on 12 March 2023. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  51. ^ Asle Toje (2017). Will China's Rise Be Peaceful?: Security, Stability, and Legitimacy. Oxford University Press. pp. 24–25. ISBN 978-0190675417.
  52. ^ Hawksley, Humphrey (5 June 2018). Asian Waters : the Struggle Over the South China Sea and the Strategy of Chinese Expansion (First ed.). New York, NY. ISBN 978-1-4683-1478-6. OCLC 992743373.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  53. ^ "Beijing says it could declare ADIZ over South China Sea". The Japan Times. Archived from the original on 16 July 2016.
  54. ^ Beltran, Michael. "What Do Filipino Maoists Think of China Now?". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on 8 July 2021. Retrieved 8 July 2021.
  55. ^ Novo, Andrew R. (29 August 2022). "The Empires Strike Back: A New Age of Imperialism". Center for European Policy Analysis. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
  56. ^ "Is China Done With Salami Slicing?". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
  57. ^ "Is Chinese Rule in Tibet Colonial?". Tibetan Review. 24 March 2023. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
  58. ^ "China's colonial and imperial project". Taipei Times. 9 January 2023. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
  59. ^ Mirrlees, Tanner (24 August 2023). "Ten Postulates of a Media Imperialism Framework: For Critical Research on China's Media Power and Influence in the Global South". Global Media and China. doi:10.1177/20594364231195934. ISSN 2059-4364. S2CID 261204868.
  60. ^ Calzati, Stefano (3 April 2022). "'Data sovereignty' or 'Data colonialism'? Exploring the Chinese involvement in Africa's ICTs: a document review on Kenya". Journal of Contemporary African Studies. 40 (2): 270–285. doi:10.1080/02589001.2022.2027351. ISSN 0258-9001. S2CID 246564573.
  61. ^ Murdock, Graham. (2019). "The Empire's New Clothes: Political Priorities and Corporate Ambitions in China's Drive for Global Ascendancy." In O. Boyd-Barrett and T. Mirrlees (eds.), Media Imperialism: Continuity and Change (pp. 291–303). Washington, DC: Rowman & Littlefield.https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781538121559/Media-Imperialism-Continuity-and-Change
  62. ^ Sparks, Colin. (2019). "China: An Emerging Cultural Imperialist." In. O. Boyd-Barrett and T. Mirrlees (eds.), Media Imperialism: Continuity and Change (pp. 275–290). Washington, D.C.: Rowman & Littlefield. https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781538121559/Media-Imperialism-Continuity-and-Change
  63. ^ a b Mirrlees, Tanner (2023), "A New Cultural Imperialist Rivalry?: A Political Economy of Communication, for Neither Washington Nor Beijing", Global Media Dialogues, Routledge, doi:10.4324/9781003295693-8, ISBN 978-1-003-29569-3, retrieved 27 August 2023
  64. ^ Xie, Tao (21 October 2014). "China's Confucius Institutes: Self-promotion or cultural imperialism?". CNN. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
  65. ^ "The Korean Wave's Rocky Road in China". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on 12 March 2023. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  66. ^ "A Korean Poet Is the Latest Example of China's 'Cultural Imperialism'". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on 12 March 2023. Retrieved 12 March 2023.
  67. ^ "After America, It's China's Turn to Worry about Masculinity". Time. 10 September 2021. Retrieved 27 April 2023.
  68. ^ 台灣革命黨建黨委員會，1984，〈籌建台灣革命黨聲明書〉。《台灣與世界》
  69. ^ "台灣海外網". www.taiwanus.net. Archived from the original on 22 July 2011. Retrieved 28 February 2008.
  70. ^ "Notes from Central Taiwan: Imaginings of another Taiwan". Taipei Times. 8 May 2023. Today we know terms like "united front" in the context of Chinese imperialism and expansionism, but in the 1930s the term had another meaning: it encapsulated the desire of Asians struggling to form a "united front" against external imperialism.
  71. ^ "CCP's police state in Hong Kong". Socialist Action. 15 June 2021. The traditional Hong Kong capitalist tycoons who've been a key ally of the CCP for the last 30 years, since the CCP carried through the return to capitalism in the 1980s and 90s, these traditional Hong Kong tycoons are now increasingly being squeezed out economically by mainland China capitalist groups. Therefore, what we have alongside the political repression is an aggressive economic colonization of Hong Kong and this is one of the features of Chinese imperialism, which is something that is crucial to understanding what is happening in China, Hong Kong, and how that fits in with the imperialist Cold War that is raging internationally.
  72. ^ "The Rise of Digital Authoritarianism". Freedom House. Archived from the original on 26 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
  73. ^ "How China's Techno-Imperialism Is Reshaping Global Economies". PC Magazine. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
  74. ^ Cope, Zak; Ness, Immanuel (2022). The Oxford Handbook of Economic Imperialism. Oxford University Press. p. 462. ISBN 978-0-19-752708-5. Retrieved 4 July 2023.
  75. ^ Li, Minqi (1 July 2021). "China: Imperialism or Semi-Periphery?". Monthly Review. Archived from the original on 27 January 2023. Retrieved 27 January 2023.
  76. ^ Wang, Hui (1 October 2006). "Depoliticized Politics, From East to West". New Left Review. pp. 29–45. Archived from the original on 31 March 2023. Retrieved 31 March 2023.
  77. ^ Beltran, Michael (7 July 2021). "What Do Filipino Maoists Think of China Now?". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on 12 March 2023. Retrieved 23 March 2023.
  78. ^ "The Maoist Guerrillas of the Philippines Are Now Pointing Their Guns at China". The News Lens. 29 April 2019. Archived from the original on 6 December 2022. Retrieved 27 January 2023.
  79. ^ "Japanese Communist Party slams China in first platform change since 2004". The Japan Times. 18 January 2020. ISSN 0447-5763. Retrieved 19 February 2020.
  80. ^ "China's Communist Party a threat to peace, says Japanese counterpart". South China Morning Post. 20 January 2020. Retrieved 19 February 2020.
  81. ^ Lake, David A (2017). "Domination, Authority, and the Forms of Chinese Power". The Chinese Journal of International Politics. 10 (4): 357–382. doi:10.1093/cjip/pox012. ISSN 1750-8916.
  82. ^ Wong, Edward (5 January 2018). "A Chinese Empire Reborn". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Archived from the original on 12 May 2023. Retrieved 1 July 2023.
  83. ^ Tan, Clarissa (30 June 2012). "China's civilising mission". The Spectator. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
  84. ^ a b "China wants to increase its military presence abroad". The Economist. 5 May 2022. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
  85. ^ Miller, Eric A. (16 August 2022). "More Chinese Military Bases in Africa: A Question of When, Not If". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
  86. ^ "How the West should respond to China's search for foreign outposts". The Economist. 7 May 2022. Archived from the original on 24 March 2023. Retrieved 24 March 2023.
[edit]
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Chinese_imperialism&oldid=1253220389"